Partitioned Poland (1795 1914)

Although the majority of the szlachta was reconciled to the end of the commonwealth in 1795, the possibility of Polishindependence was kept alive by events within and without Poland throughout the nineteenth century . Poland's location in the very center of Europe became especially significant in a periodwhen both Prussia/Germany and Russia were intensely involved in European rivalries and alliancesand modern nation states took form over the entire continent .

The Napoleonic Period

At the turn of the 19th century, Europe had begun to feel the impact of momentouspolitical and intellectual movements that, among their other effects, would keep the "Polish Question" on the agenda ofinternational issues needing resolution. Most immediately, NapoleonBonaparte had established a new empire in France in 1804 following that country's revolution.Napoleon's attempts to build and expand his empire kept Europe at war for the next decade and brought him into conflict with thesame east European powers that had beleaguered Poland in the last decades of theprevious century. An alliance of convenience was the natural result of this situation. Volunteer Polish legions attachedthemselves to Bonaparte's armies, hoping that in return the emperor would allow an independent Poland to reappear out of hisconquests.

Although Napoleon promised more than he ever intended to deliver to the Polish cause, in 1807 he created a Duchy of Warsaw from Prussian territory that had been part of old Poland and was still inhabited by Poles. Basically a French puppet, the duchy did enjoy somedegree of self-government, and many Poles believed that further Napoleonic victories would bring restoration of the entirecommonwealth.

In 1809 , under JozefPoniatowski , nephew of Stanislaw II August , theduchy reclaimed some of the territories taken by Austria in the second partition. TheRussian army occupied the duchy as it chased Napoleon out of Russia in 1813, however, and Polish expectations ended with thefinal defeat of Napoleon at Waterloo in 1815 .In the subsequent peace settlement of the Congress of Vienna ,the victorious Austrians and Prussians swept away the Duchy of Warsaw and reconfirmed most of the terms of the final partition ofPoland.

Although brief, the Napoleonic period occupies an important place in Polish history. Much of the legend and symbolism ofmodern Polish patriotism derives from this period, including the convictionthat Polish independence is a necessary element of a just and legitimate European order. This conviction was simply expressed ina fighting slogan of the time, "for your freedom and ours." Moreover, the appearance of the Duchy of Warsaw so soon after thepartitions proved that the seemingly final historical death sentence delivered in 1795 wasnot necessarily the end of the Polish nation. Instead, many observers came to believe that favorable circumstances would freePoland from foreign domination.

The Impact of Nationalism and Romanticism

The intellectual and artistic climate of the early nineteenth century further stimulated the growth of Polish demands forself-government. During these decades, modern nationalism took shape andrapidly developed a massive following throughout the continent, becoming the most dynamic and appealing political doctrine of itstime. By stressing the value and dignity of native cultures and languages, nationalism offered a rationale for ethnic loyalty andresistance to assimilation. The associated principle of the nation state, or national homeland, provided a rallying cry for thestateless peoples of Europe.

Romanticism was the artistic element of 19th century European culture thatexerted the strongest influence on the Polish national consciousness. The Romantic movement was a natural partner of politicalnationalism, for it echoed the nationalist sympathy for folk cultures and manifested a general air of disdain for theconservative political order of post-Napoleonic Europe. Under this influence, Polish literature flourished anew in the works of aschool of nineteenth-century Romantic poets, led by Adam Mickiewicz .Mickiewicz concentrated on patriotic themes and the glorious national past. Frederic Chopin , a leading composer of the century, also used the tragic history of his nation as a majorinspiration.

Nurtured by these influences, nationalism awoke first among the intelligentsia and certain segments of the nobility, then moregradually in the peasantry. At the end of the process, a broader definition of nationhood had replaced the old class-based"gentry patriotism" of Poland.

The Era of National Insurrections

For several decades, the Polish national movement gave priority to the immediate restoration of independence, a drive thatfound expression in a series of armed rebellions . The insurgencies arose mainly in the Russian zone of partition to the east, aboutthree-quarters of which was formerly Polish territory. After the Congress of Vienna, St. Petersburg had organized its Polishlands as the Congress Kingdom of Poland , granting it a quiteliberal constitution , its own army, and limited autonomy within the tsarist empire. In the 1820s, however, Russian rule grew more arbitrary, and secret societies were formed by intellectuals in several cities to plot anoverthrow. In November 1830 , Polish troops inWarsaw rose in revolt. When the government of Congress Poland proclaimed solidarity with the insurrectionists shortly thereafter,a new Polish-Russian war began. The rebels' requests for aid from France were ignored, and their reluctance to abolish serfdom cost them the support of the peasantry. By September 1831 , the Russians had subdued Polish resistance and forced 6,000resistance fighters into exile in France, beginning a time of harsh repression ofintellectual and religious activity throughout Poland. At the same time, Congress Poland lost its constitution and its army.

After the failure of the November Revolt , clandestineconspiratorial activity continued on Polish territory. An exiled Polish political and intellectual elite established a base ofoperations in Paris . A conservative group headed by Adam Czartoryski (one of the leaders of the November Revolt) relied on foreign diplomatic support torestore Poland's status as established by the Congress of Vienna, which Russia had routinely violated beginning in 1819 . Otherwise, this group was satisfied with a return to monarchy and traditional socialstructures.

The radical factions never formed a united front on any issue besides the general goal of independence. Their programsinsisted that the Poles liberate themselves by their own efforts and linked independence with republicanism and the emancipation of the serfs . Handicapped by internal division, limited resources, heavysurveillance, and persecution of revolutionary cells in Poland, the Polish national movement suffered numerous losses. Themovement sustained a major setback in the 1846 revolt organized in Austrian Poland by the PolishDemocratic Society , the leading radical nationalist group. The uprising ended in a bloody fiasco when the peasantry took uparms against the gentry rebel leadership, which was regarded as potentially a worse oppressor than the Austrians. By incurringharsh military repression from Austria, the failed revolt left the Polish nationalists in poor position to participate in thewave of national revolution that crossed Europe in 1848 and 1849. The stubborn idealism of this unprising's leaders emphasizedindividual liberty and separate national identity rather than establishment of a unified republic--a significant change ofpolitical philosophy from earlier movements.

The last and most tenacious of the Polish uprisings of the mid-nineteenth century erupted in the Russian-occupied sector in January 1863 (see January Uprising . Following Russia's disastrous defeat in the Crimean War , the government of Tsar Alexander II enacted a series of liberal reforms, including liberation of the serfs throughout the empire. High-handed imposition of land reforms in Poland aroused hostilityamong the landed nobles and a group of young radical intellectuals influenced by KarlMarx and the Russian liberal Alexander Herzen . Repeating thepattern of 1830-31, the open revolt of the January Insurrection by Congress Poland failed to win foreign backing. Although itssocially progressive program could not mobilize the peasants, the rebellion persisted stubbornly for fifteen months. Afterfinally crushing the insurgency in August 1864 , Russia abolished the Congress Kingdom ofPoland altogether and revoked the separate status of the Polish lands, incorporating them directly as the Western Region of theRussian Empire. The region was placed under the dictatorial rule of Mikhail Muravev, who became known as the Hangman of Wilno.All Polish citizens were assimilated into the empire. When Russia officially emancipated the Polish serfs in early 1864, itremoved a major rallying point from the agenda of potential Polish revolutionaries.

see also List of Polish uprisings

The Time of "Organic Work"

Increasing oppression at Russian hands after failed national uprisings finally convinced Polish leaders that the recentinsurrection was premature at best and perhaps fundamentally misguided and counterproductive. During the decades that followedthe January Insurrection, Poles largely forsook the goal of immediate independence and turned instead to fortifying the nationthrough the subtler means of education, economic development, and modernization. This approach took the name Organic Work for itsphilosophy of strengthening Polish society at the grass roots, influenced by positivism . For some, the adoption of Organic Work meant permanent resignation to foreign rule, but manyadvocates recommended it as a strategy to combat repression while awaiting an eventual opportunity to achieveself-government.

Not nearly as colorful as the rebellions nor as loftily enshrined in national memory, the quotidian methods of Organic Workproved well suited to the political conditions of the later nineteenth century. The international balance of forces did not favorthe recovery of statehood when both Russia and Germany appeared bent on the eventual eradication of Polish national identity. The German Empire , established in 1871 as an expanded version of the Prussian state, aimed at the assimilation of its eastern provinces inhabited by Poles. At the same time, St.Petersburg attempted to russify the former Congress Kingdom, joiningBerlin in levying restrictions against use of the Polish language and cultural expression. Poles under Russian and German rulealso endured official campaigns against the Roman Catholic Church: the Cultural Struggle ( Kulturkampf ) of Chancellor Otto von Bismarck tobring the Roman Catholic Church under state control and the Russian campaign toextend Orthodoxy throughout the empire.

The Polish subjects under Austrian jurisdiction (after 1867 the Habsburg Empirewas commonly known as Austria-Hungary ) confronted a generally morelenient regime. Poles suffered no religious persecution in predominantly Catholic Austria , and Vienna counted on the Polish nobility as allies in the complex political calculus of its multinationalrealm. In return for loyalty, Austrian Poland, or Galicia , received considerable administrative and cultural autonomy. Galicia gained a reputationas an oasis of toleration amidst the oppression of German and Russian Poland. The Galician provincial Sejm acted as a semiautonomous parliamentary body, and Poles represented the region in the empire government inVienna. In the late 1800s, the universities of Krakow and Lwów became the centers of Polish intellectual activity, and Kraków became the center of Polish art and thought. Evenafter the restoration of independence, many residents of southern Poland retained a touch of nostalgia for the days of theHabsburg Empire.

Social and Political Transformation

Throughout the late nineteenth century, profound social and economic forces operated on the Polish lands, giving them a moremodern aspect and altering traditional patterns of life. Especially in Russian Poland and the Silesian regions under Germancontrol, mining and manufacturing started on a large scale. This development sped the process of urbanization, and the emergenceof capitalism began to reduce the relative importance of the landed aristocracy in Polish society. A considerable segment of thepeasantry abandoned the overburdened land. Millions of Poles emigrated to North America and other destinations, and millions moremigrated to cities to form the new industrial labor force. These shifts stimulated fresh social tensions. Urban workers bore thefull range of hardships associated with early capitalism , and the intenselynationalistic atmosphere of the day bred frictions between Poles and the other peoples remaining from the old heterogeneous Commonwealth of Two Nations . Themovement of the former noble class into cities created a new urban professional class. However, the peasants that tried to moveto the cities, found all the better positions already occupied by Jews and Germans. This contributed to the national tensionsbetween the Poles, Germans and Jews.

These transformations changed the face of politics as well, giving rise to new parties and movements that would dominate thePolish landscape for the next century. The grievances of the lower classes led to the formation of peasant and socialist parties. Communism gained onlya marginal following, but a more moderate socialist faction led by JozefPilsudski won broader support through its emphatic advocacy of Polish independence. By 1905 Pilsudski's party, the Polish SocialistParty , was the largest socialist party in the entire Russian Empire. The National Democracy of Roman Dmowski became the leading vehicle of the right by espousing a doctrine that combined nationalismwith mistrust of Jews and other minorities. By the turn of the century, Polish political life had emerged from the relativequiescence of Organic Work and entered a stage of renewed assertiveness. In particular, Pilsudski and Dmowski had initiated whatwould be long careers as the paramount figures in the civic affairs of Poland. After 1900 political activity was suppressed onlyin the Prussian sector.

Reference

• Original text from the Library of Congress Country Studies : Poland .